Proving the Constitution: Burdens of Proof and the Confrontation Clause

Proving the Constitution: Burdens of Proof and the Confrontation Clause

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Introduction

In law, we never prove anything to 100% certainty. For factual propositions, the proponent has the burden of proving them to the satisfaction of a standard: a preponderance of the evidence at the low end; clear and convincing evidence in the middle; proof beyond a reasonable doubt at the high end. The standards are often explicit. Yet, for legal propositions, standards are often implicit or lacking altogether. This Article argues that, to decide legal issues, courts may look to similar burdens of proof that they use to decide factual issues. They should do so informally, using burdens of proof just as rules of thumb to guide their interpretation and application of law. Whereas the standard for statutory law should be at least a preponderance of the evidence, the standard for constitutional law ought to be higher—clear and convincing evidence—because judicial decisions on the meaning and applicability of constitutional (as opposed to statutory) law are harder to change by normal democratic means. But the standard should not be so high that courts cannot say what constitutional law means or how it applies in the face of any reasonable doubt, even if the evidence weighs heavily in one direction. The evidence may include textual, historical, and logical clues. To illustrate how this theory may work, this Article looks at an example related to the Sixth Amendment Confrontation Clause, which constitutionally guarantees the right of criminal defendants to be confronted with the “witnesses” against them. The Article concludes that the Clause’s application to forensic experts, as “witnesses,” simply is not warranted by clear and convincing evidence. Courts should not have accepted that application in

Enrique Schaerer*

J.D., 2008, Yale Law School; B.A., B.B.A., 2005, University of Notre Dame. Partner and Shareholder, Maupin, Cox & LeGoy. Former Fellow in Law, U.C.L.A. School of Law. Former Law Clerk to Hon. Carlos T. Bea, U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, and Hon. James V. Selna, U.S. District Court for the Central District of California. For helpful input, I thank Andrew Blair-Stanek, Anthony Deardurff, Kristine Kalanges, Brian Lee, Lee Otis, Joseph Plater, Richard Re, Eugene Volokh, and Lincoln Wolfe.

Annual Survey of Virginia Law 2020

Annual Survey of Virginia Law 2020

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Preface

The University of Richmond Law Review proudly presents the thirty-fifth issue of the Annual Survey of Virginia Law. Since 1985, we have provided this comprehensive resource detailing recent legislative, judicial, and administrative changes in Virginia—and not even a pandemic will stop us!

This issue begins with a tribute to the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, a true icon and champion of equal rights for all. We memorialize the Justice’s profound impact on our state as the author of the Supreme Court’s majority opinion in United States v. Virginia, which led the Virginia Military Institute to open its doors to women for the first time.

The Annual Survey of Virginia Law features five articles, each providing summaries of changes in the last year to substantive areas of the law. The topics of these updates include Civil Practice and Procedure; Criminal Law and Procedure; Employment Law; Taxation; and Wills, Trusts, and Estates. Additionally, this issue contains two essays focused on narrower topics in the law, including an analysis of the changes in redistricting law and the impact of these changes on Virginia’s redistricting in 2021, and an argument in favor of centralized funding for state trial court law clerks. Finally, we are also proud to include a student comment written by a University of Richmond Law Review staff member, which analyzes judicial treatment of the physician-only law for first trimester abortions and the recent amendment expanding the field of abortion providers.

The Annual Survey would not be possible without these authors, many of whom contribute to the Annual Survey each year, devoting their time and expertise. I am personally grateful for their patience, kindness, and dedication throughout a challenging and un- conventional year.

Many people have worked behind the scenes to make this issue possible. First, the University of Richmond Law Review has an ab- solute treasure in Glenice Coombs. Glenice, thank you for sharing your expertise and perspective with a new group of students each year. Your commitment, guidance, and hard work have been even more essential during this particularly hectic year.

To my fellow executive board members, thank you for your dili- gent and careful work in helping this book come together. In particular to our Editor-in-Chief, Lincoln Wolfe, thank you for figuring out how to keep this ship sailing when the world locked down. And to our Executive Editor, and my very good friend Michelle Hoffer, thank you for your tireless work and for always helping me stay in good spirits no matter what issues pop up.

Finally, I am immensely grateful to Alex Wood for his love and support throughout law school. Thank you for providing a break from my school life and the much-needed perspective that only a non-law student can supply.

We hope the 2020 Annual Survey of Virginia Law serves as a valuable and thought-provoking resource in your legal practice. It has been my pleasure to serve as the Editor of the 2020 Annual Survey of Virginia Law, and I thank you for your continued readership and patronage.

Jamie H. Wood
Annual Survey Editor, Vol. 55

Click here for all of our Annual Survey 2020 articles

Religious Exemptions As Rational Social Policy

Religious Exemptions As Rational Social Policy

Justin W. Aimonetti & M. Christian Talley

 

 

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Abstract

In its 1963 decision Sherbert v. Verner, the Supreme Court interpreted the Free Exercise Clause to permit religious exemptions from general laws that incidentally burdened religious practice. Sherbert, in theory, provided stringent protections for religious freedom. But those protections came at a price. Religious adherents could secure exemptions even if they had no evidence the laws they challenged unfairly targeted their religious conduct. And they could thereby undermine the policy objectives those laws sought to achieve. Because of such policy concerns, the Court progressively restricted the availability of religious exemptions. In its 1990 decision Employment Division v. Smith, the Court then abandoned the Sherbert regime altogether. Incidental burdens would no longer suffice for Free Exercise exemptions. Instead, Smith predicated future exemptions on litigants’ showing that laws unfairly targeted religious practice or granted exemptions to secular entities that were arbitrarily withheld from religious comparators. Smith’s revision, this Article contends, subtly but profoundly changed how public policy interacts with the Free Exercise Clause. Smith created a world in which religious exemptions often promote, rather than impede, rational policy. Smith’s framework helps detect laws that are rooted in animus, rather than reason, or that impede their own efficacy with gratuitous secular exemptions. Applying that insight to recent religious liberty litigation contesting coronavirus lockdowns, this Article contends that many of those suits made state responses to COVID-19 more rational. Despite the scholarly criticism religious litigants endured, their suits exposed both irrational over-enforcement of lockdown measures against religious entities and irrational under-enforcement of those measures against their secular counterparts.

Mobile Methadone Clinics: A Necessary Step in Fighting the Opioid Epidemic

Mobile Methadone Clinics: A Necessary Step in Fighting the Opioid Epidemic

Laurel E. Via

 

 

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Introduction

In the 1990s, healthcare providers began prescribing opioid pain relievers at greater rates in reliance on pharmaceutical companies’ claims that the drugs would not cause addiction. However, that turned out not to be the case. Due to the highly addictive nature of opioid pain relievers and the frequency with which they were prescribed, individual addiction rates substantially increased. Since then, opioid addiction has spiraled out of control with prescription and illicit opioid usage continuing to rise.

Prescription drugs are only part of the problem. While prescription opiates caused a wave of deaths starting in the 1990s, there have been two subsequent death waves related to opioid abuse. In 2010, the second wave began with an increase in the number of heroin overdose-related deaths. The third wave began in 2013 with increases in overdose deaths caused by synthetic opioids, including fentanyl and other illicit drugs laced with fentanyl.

A number of treatment options have been tried in response to what has now been titled the “Opioid Epidemic.” The most effective treatment for opioid dependence is methadone maintenance, which has been shown to reduce the number of opioid-related deaths and the spread of infectious disease. However, many individuals who would benefit from methadone maintenance treatment are unable to access treatment. This is due to a variety of factors, such as inadequate funding, restrictive zoning regulations, and waitlists at fixed-site clinics. Additionally, methadone can only be dispensed by a federally licensed opioid treatment program (“OTP”), also known as a “methadone clinic.” When unable to access treatment, opioid-dependent individuals are “at substantial risk for illicit drug use, criminal activity, infectious disease, overdose, and mortality.” However, when they have access to appropriate treatment, patients begin to recover in all areas of life—housing, health, employment, and education. When this treatment is combined with behavioral treatment, patients experience even better outcomes.

While individuals throughout the country lack access to methadone maintenance treatment, the issue has been extensively studied in rural communities. Individuals living in rural communities, such as southwestern Virginia and West Virginia, have higher instances of opioid addiction but fewer treatment options. Not only are rural areas experiencing a shortage of treatment facilities, but there are additional barriers to treatment in those localities that have at least one facility, such as waitlists, drive times, and transportation costs. Mobile methadone clinics have been proposed by numerous organizations and individuals—ranging from the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (“SAMHSA”) to United States Senators and Representatives to state and local addiction agencies—as the solution to the problem of access to treatment. The facility shortage could be fixed by simply implementing the mobile clinics. More facilities would in turn reduce the number of individuals on waitlists. Drive times and transportation costs would also be significantly reduced or abolished altogether with the implementation of mobile clinics.

Health Care Technology: Cautionary Tales in Vaccine Development

Health Care Technology: Cautionary Tales in Vaccine Development

by Ave Grosenheider, J.D. Candidate, 2021, University of Richmond School of Law

In 2003, Elizabeth Holmes founded Theranos with the aim of supplanting the current hospital blood testing diagnostic and monitoring system in favor of rapid testing that one day would be in every drug store or home in America. However, her demise came as quickly as her rise to biomedical fame. In 2018, Theranos dissolved and Holmes, along with former president Sunny Balwani, was indicted on wire fraud charges.[1] As documented in John Carreyrou’s book Bad Blood, Holmes used evasive and fragmented methods of communication with her investors, employees, partners, and even federal agencies to build and distribute a faulty product.[2] The result was tens of thousands of misrepresented or inaccurate blood test results across the United States and an erosion of public trust in health care technologies.[3] Holmes was able to perpetuate these lies for so long in part due to the asymmetry in information for this new health care technology. However, this scandal eventually led to widespread public skepticism with effects still lasting today. These lessons brought out by Bad Blood shed light on current public opinion surrounding the COVID-19 pandemic and efforts to quickly develop an effective, trusted vaccine.

Theranos was pitched to investors and potential retail partners as the future of diagnostic technology.[4] Founder and Chief Executive Elizabeth Holmes claimed that she was going to reinvent the laboratory diagnostic landscape by processing over 240 different blood tests with just a few drops of blood.[5] At its height, Theranos was valued at $9 million—the “largest valuation of any venture-capital-backed health company.”[6] However, the façade Holmes and other officers presented was dramatically different from the reality. A Theranos employee who was aware of these indiscretions eventually decided to take his list of mounting concerns to Wall Street Journal reporter John Carreyrou.[7] offput by the policies and procedures and culture. Fr 2015 through 2018, Carreyrou wrote a series of articles and eventually a book detailing Theranos’s operational failures that eventually led to the company’s dissolution and officers’ indictment on wire fraud charges.[8]

Among the indiscretions, Carreyrou discovered that Theranos was misclassifying its proprietary machines to evade higher levels of federal oversight and releasing patients’ results—even when the machines produced erratic results that could not be reproduced on their own machines or other traditional lab tests and failed quality control tests.[9] In January 2016, an inspection and subsequent evaluation from the U.S. Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) revealed “deficient practices” in five categories, which “posed ‘immediate jeopardy to patient health and safety.’”[10] These practices were not sufficiently remedied, which led to Walgreens breaking off their retail relationship with Theranos in June 2016.[11] One month later, CMS banned Holmes from working in the blood-testing business for two years and revoked Theranos’s laboratory operating license in California.[12]

From the inception of Theranos and its proprietary blood testing technology, Holmes kept all but those in her innermost circle in the dark on the progress of her company. Even some of her own employees were unaware of the technological inaccuracies and shortcomings.[13] Those who were aware were discouraged from voicing their concerns or speaking to other employees.[14] When speaking to investors or potential retail partners such as Walgreens and Safeway, Holmes assured them that the technology was more accurate, cost-effective, and convenient than traditional laboratory blood tests.[15] She went to great lengths to perpetuate these lies, even going so far as to give demonstrations with fake read-outs to dupe audiences and forbidding outsiders to see inside the laboratories when visiting for business meetings.[16]

These deceptive tactics culminated in a federal indictment for wire fraud. On June 15, 2018, Elizabeth Holmes and Sunny Balwani, former Theranos President and Chief Operating Officer, were “charged with two counts of conspiracy to commit wire fraud and nine counts of wire fraud . . . [T]he charges stem from allegations that Holmes and Balwani engaged in a multi-million dollar scheme to defraud investors, and a separate scheme to defraud doctors and patients” through a series of knowingly false and misleading statements about their technologies.[17]

Many who were personally affected by Theranos’s deceptive practices were not surprised by news of the indictment. As Carreyrou and the Wall Street Journal reported, a number of patients who received wildly inaccurate blood tests from Theranos were sent by their doctors for further follow ups.[18] “Patients and doctors told the Journal they were shocked when Theranos produced hard-to-explain results that could signal serious or even life-threatening problems.”[19] This “unprecedented” health scandal is fresh in many people’s minds as drug manufacturers and federal agencies have felt immense pressure to develop and approve a COVID-19 vaccine as soon as possible.[20]

The Theranos scandal provides a necessary background for researchers, drug manufacturers, and federal agencies racing to put a COVID-19 vaccine to market. These two events are intertwined in many respects. The most salient amidst the COVID-19 pandemic is that new technologies in public health are ripe for skepticism. Members of the general public must rely on the advice of their doctors, and the approval of federal agencies when determining the most effective and safest course of treatment. However, the newer the treatment is, the less likely it is that the patient will feel comfortable with that course of treatment. Sometimes this may be for good reason. Theranos reported “issu[ing] ‘tens of thousands’ of voided or revised test results to doctors or patients.”[21] Errors such as this can erode the relationship of trust between health care providers and health care consumers. In light of these concerns, public health experts and federal agencies alike have been diligent in efforts to disseminate correct information and resolve the general public’s concerns to prevent memories of scandals like Theranos from derailing efforts made to combat the virus.

Even with public health officials lauding the COVID-19 vaccine efforts and emphatically assuring the public that the vaccines would not be approved unless they were safe, there is still a great deal of public skepticism. A Kaiser Family Foundation poll published on December 15, 2020 indicated that 27% of Americans probably or definitely would not get a COVID-19 vaccine if it is deemed safe and is available for free.[22] Among the most commonly cited reasons for this hesitance are “worries about possible side effects (which 59% cite as a major reason), lack of trust in the government to ensure the vaccines’ safety and effectiveness (55%), [and] concerns that the vaccine is too new (53%),” as well as distrust of the health care system in general (35%).[23] Some skepticism may be for good reason as there are many aspects of the vaccinations for which experts do not have answers, especially relating to the cause of severe anaphylactic reactions in some who have already been vaccinated, as well as how the vaccine will fare in pregnant women and children.[24]

Fifty-four vaccines are currently in human clinical trials in the United States.[25] Pfizer’s vaccine emerged as the front-runner, with the company announcing that it was 95% effective.[26] On November 20, Pfizer submitted an application with the FDA for Emergency Use Authorization.[27] Prior to submitting the application, Pfizer completed three phases of clinical trials, though on a truncated timeline when compared to the typical vaccination approval procedures:[28]

Consistent with FDA regulations, Phase 1 clinical studies assess vaccine safety, dosage, and capacity to induce an immune response in a small number of healthy subjects. Phase 2 trials evaluate initial safety and efficacy in a larger population, perhaps a few hundred. Phase 3 trials provide more definitive evidence of a vaccine’s efficacy. They are usually large, randomized, blinded, and controlled, and involve hundreds to thousands of subjects.[29]

The multiple phases of clinical trials with large and representative populations are essential to ferret out any potential risks. The FDA released new guidelines for vaccines in light of the pandemic, stating that the standard guiding approval of these vaccines will be whether the potential benefits outweigh the risks based “on data from at least one well-designed Phase 3 clinical trial that demonstrates the vaccine’s safety and efficacy in a clear and compelling manner.”[30]As of January 18th, the FDA has approved both Pfizer’s vaccine and Moderna’s vaccine for Emergency Use Authorization (EUA) in the United States. EUAs allow for the vaccine to be administered to a targeted group, but are not intended for distribution among general populations.[31]  As it relates to the COVID-19 pandemic, approximately 24 million health care workers, and nursing home residents comprise the essential and vulnerable populations expected to receive the highest priority status for Pfizer or Moderna EUA vaccine.[32] The FDA will continue to monitor the vaccine for adverse effects, before the vaccination is fully approved for the general public.[33]

The speed at which multiple drug manufacturers are already seeking approval for COVID-19 vaccinations is unprecedented. It takes an average of ten years to develop a vaccine, with the four years it took to develop the mumps vaccine to be the shortest documented timeline.[34] This information has left the general public wondering how the FDA can reconcile statements that these vaccines are both safe and effective, given that it has been less than a year since most of the United States has been shut down due to COVID-19. The safety and effectiveness is explained through three elements: the availability of previous research, funding, large testing pools.[35] These elements taken together are referred as “Operation Warp Speed” (OWS) by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, with the goal of produc[ing] and deliver[ing] 300 million doses of safe and effective vaccines with the initial doses available by January 2021.”[36]

Researchers around the world were not starting from scratch when developing a vaccine for the current pandemic. Much of their research was based on advancements in understanding SARS and MERS outbreaks in 2003 and 2012, respectively.[37] All three pathogens are from the coronavirus family, with “high virological similarity.”[38] Notably by 2020, there were already ten SARS vaccines in Phase 3 clinical trials, with over 100 vaccines in the development phase.[39]  This served as the starting point for a COVID-19 vaccine. Next, the US government has allocated “record amounts of funding” for vaccine development.[40] Specifically, $6.5 billion and $3 billion have gone to the Biomedical Advancement Research and Development Authority and to the National Institute of Health, respectively, to fund OWS and accelerate the development of a safe and effective vaccine.[41] This money has gone directly to fund companies including Pfizer and Moderna in their research and development.[42] Private funding has also helped accelerate the development of vaccines from celebrities including Dolly Parton and Bill and Melinda Gates, to name a few.[43] Finally, pharmaceutical companies have secured thousands of volunteers in a short period of time, enabling these companies to complete the clinical trials with a constant source of participants.[44] [45] While vaccines typically go through the research process, three phases of clinical trials, manufacturing, and then distribution, the above factors—i.e., partially completed research, increased funding, and many clinical trial participants in a short period of time—have allowed for the research and development process to occur concurrently with Phase 1 trials, as well as the manufacturing to occur concurrently with Phase 2 trials, Phase 3 trials, and distribution.[46] Taken together, these processes create the current expedited timeline.

As the Pfizer vaccine is administered to the targeted group of health care providers and nursing home residents through EUA, it will be monitored closely for adverse effects.[47] These post-authorization monitoring protocols will play heavily into the approval (or not) of a vaccine for widespread use.[48] Unlike medications that treat acute conditions, vaccines require “meticulous post-approval safety surveillance” because “a vaccine trial must go on for many months before a statistically significant difference can be seen in the incidence of a condition that may not occur in most patients without a vaccine.”[49] If the FDA determines that the benefits no longer outweigh the risks as statutorily required, the vaccine can be pulled from the market.[50] If not, the vaccine will be scrutinized under the more rigorous “‘substantial evidence’ of safety and effectiveness” standard for full approval and widespread use.[51]

These reassurances give the public reason to be hopeful about the safety and efficacy of approved vaccines, even amidst cautious optimism surrounding many questions to which experts do not have the answers. Data suggest that efforts to reassure the public are working, however only with more time and research will the full picture of the vaccine’s effects will come into view. The Theranos scandal provides a cautionary tale for what can go wrong with improperly supervised health care innovations, but also provides lessons that relevant experts have heeded to regain public trust in health care.

 

[1] United States v. Holmes, No. 5:18-cr-00258 (N.D. Cal. June 14, 2018).

[2] John Carreyrou, Bad Blood 179–83, 228–39 (2020).

[3] Christopher Weaver, Agony, Alarm and Anger for People Hurt by Theranos’s Botched Blood Tests, Wall St. J. (Oct. 16, 2016), https://www.wsj.com/articles/the-patients-hurt-by-theranos-1476973026 [https://perma.cc/78BW-PRTU].

[4] Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 82–92.

[5] John Carreyrou, Hot Startup Theranos Has Struggled With Its Blood Test Technology, Wall St. J. (Oct. 16, 2015), https://www.wsj.com/articles/theranos-has-struggled-with-blood-tests-1444881901 [https://perma.cc/Z25N-XHBG].

[6] Id.; John Carreyrou & Christopher Weaver, Theranos Devices Often Failed Accuracy Requirements, Wall St. J. (Mar. 31, 2016), https://www.wsj.com/articles/theranos-devices-often-failed-accuracy-requirements-1459465578 [https://perma.cc/9DK5-Y8VQ].

[7] Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 223–39.

[8] See generally John Carreyrou, https://www.wsj.com/news/author/john-carreyrou; Carreyrou, supra note 2.

[9] John Carreyrou, FDA Inspectors Call Theranos Blood Vial ‘Uncleared Medical Device,’ Wall St. J. (Oct. 27, 2015) https://www.wsj.com/articles/fda-inspectors-call-theranos-blood-vial-uncleared-medical-device-1445967607 [https://perma.cc/G9PT-QCFK].

[10] John Carreyrou & Christopher Weaver, Theranos Ran Tests Despite Quality Problems, Wall St. J. (Mar. 8, 2016), https://www.wsj.com/articles/theranos-ran-tests-despite-quality-problems-1457399479 [https://perma.cc/C2XY-H5T5].

[11] Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 289; John Carreyrou, Michael Siconolfi, & Christopher Weaver, Theranos Dealt Sharp Blow as Elizabeth Holmes Is Banned From Operating Labs, Wall St. J. (July 8, 2016) https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-regulator-bans-theranos-ceo-elizabeth-holmes-from-operating-labs-for-two-years-1467956064 [https://perma.cc/56CL-X7VC].

[12] Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 286; Carreyrou et al., supra note 11.

[13] Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 161–68.

[14] Id. at 161–68, 193–98.

[15]  Christopher Weaver & John Carreyrou, Craving Growth, Walgreens Dismissed Its Doubts About Theranos, Wall St. J. (May 25, 2016) https://www.wsj.com/articles/craving-growth-walgreens-dismissed-its-doubts-about-theranos-1464207285 [https://perma.cc/TX5W-QQTA].

[16] Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 179, 252.

[17] Press Release, U.S. Food & Drug Admin, Theranos Founder and Former Chief Operating Officer Charged in Alleged Wire Fraud Schemes (June 15, 2018), https://www.fda.gov/inspections-compliance-enforcement-and-criminal-investigations/press-releases/june-15-2018-theranos-founder-and-former-chief-operating-officer-charged-alleged-wire-fraud-schemes; see also United States v. Holmes, No. 5:18-cr-00258 (N.D. Cal. June 14, 2018).

[18] Carreyrou, supra note 5; Weaver, supra note 3; Carreyrou, supra note 2, at 233.

[19] Weaver, supra note 3.

[20] Id.; John Carreyrou, Theranos Voids Two Years of Edison Blood-Test Results, Wall St. J. (May 18, 2016), https://www.wsj.com/articles/theranos-voids-two-years-of-edison-blood-test-results-1463616976 [https://perma.cc/6UBE-G322].

[21] Carreyrou, supra note 20.

[22] Liz Hamel, Ashley Kirzinger, Calley Muñana & Mollyann Brodie, KFF COVID-19 Vaccine Monitor: December 2020, Kaiser Family Foundation (Dec. 16, 2020, 9:02 PM), https://www.kff.org/coronavirus-covid-19/report/kff-covid-19-vaccine-monitor-december-2020/ [https://perma.cc/9CGA-N77X].

[23] Id.

[24] The Kaiser Family Foundation has been conducting polls on vaccine reluctance for months now. Their findings indicate that reluctance among the citizens is decreasing. In September, 63% of Americans responded that they would definitely or probably get a vaccine if available and deemed safe. Notably, these numbers—while increasing from 63% to 71%—still fall below the 85% threshold thought to be the tipping point for herd immunity. Id.; Dylan Scott, Fauci: 85 Percent of the US Needs to Get the Covid-19 Vaccine for “True Herd Immunity,” Vox (Dec. 15, 2020), https://www.vox.com/coronavirus-covid19/2020/12/15/22176555/anthony-fauci-covid-19-vaccine-herd-immunity-goal [https://perma.cc/X6XS-NGE7].

[25] Carl Zimmer, Jonathan Corum & Sui-Lee Wee, Coronavirus Vaccine Tracker, N.Y. Times (last updated Jan. 14, 2021) https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2020/science/coronavirus-vaccine-tracker.html [https;//perma.cc/AZ7A-STRE].

[26] Pfizer and BioNTech to Submit Emergency Use Authorization Request Today to the U.S. FDA for COVID-19 Vaccine, BusinessWire (Nov. 20, 2020) https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20201120005370/en/ [https://perma.cc/A49Y-PEZE].

[27] Id.

[28] Aaron S. Kesselheim et al., An Overview of Vaccine Development, Approval, and Regulation, with Implications for COVID-19, 40 HealthAffairs 1 (2021).

[29] Id. at 2.

[30] U.S. Food & Drug Admin., Emergency Use Authorization for Vaccines to Prevent COVID-19

(Oct. 2020), https://www.fda.gov/media/142749/download.

[31] Kesselheim et al., supra note 28, at 2.

[32] Lena H. Sun & Isaac Stanley-Becker, Health-care Workers and Nursing Home Residents Should be the First to Get Coronavirus Vaccines, CDC Advisory Group Says, Wash. Post (Dec. 2, 2020), https://www.washingtonpost.com/health/2020/12/01/vaccine-priority-groups-covid [https://perma.cc/8CV5-UNUQ].

[33] What Does Emergency Use of a Covid-19 Vaccine Mean?, Associated Press, Nov. 20, 2020, https://apnews.com/article/emergency-use-covid-19-vaccine-explained-c8cca451619c1705e06414a32c20facb [https://perma.cc/V3AJ-HXD8].

[34] Asher Mullard, COVID-19 Vaccine Development Pipeline Gears Up, 395 The Lancet 1751 (2020); Nsikan Akpan, Why a Coronavirus Vaccine Could Take Way Longer than a Year, National Geographic (Apr. 10, 2020) https://www.nationalgeographic.com/science/2020/04/why-coronavirus-vaccine-could-take-way-longer-than-a-year/ [https://perma.cc/ZL7A-QYWF].

[35] Fact Sheet: Explaining Operation Warp Speed, U.S. Dept. of Health & Human Services (Dec. 15, 2020, 9:28 PM), https://www.hhs.gov/coronavirus/explaining-operation-warp-speed/index.html [https://perma.cc/963R-6TDM].

[36] Id.

[37] Nicola Petrosillo, Giulio Viceconte, Onder Ergonul, Giuseppe Ippolito & Eskild Petersen, COVID-19, SARS and MERS: Are They Closely Related?, 26 Clinical Microbiology & Infection 729 (2020).

[38] Id. at 732.

[39] Mullard, supra note 34, at 1751.

[40] Ihor Sawczuk, M.D., Behind the COVID-19 Approval Process, Hackensack Meridian Health (Dec. 9, 2020), https://www.hackensackmeridianhealth.org/HealthU/2020/12/09/behind-the-covid-19-vaccine-approval-process/ [https://perma.cc/6PF2-JZET].

[41] Id.

[42] Id.; Allie Clouse, Fact Check: Moderna Vaccine Funded by Government Spending, with Notable Private Donation,  USA Today (Nov. 24, 2020), https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/factcheck/2020/11/24/fact-check-donations-research-grants-helped-fund-moderna-vaccine/6398486002/ [https://perma.cc/A4HQ-XPLE]; Was the Pfizer Vaccine Part of the Government’s Operation Warp Speed?, N.Y. Times (Nov. 10, 2020), https://www.nytimes.com/2020/11/10/health/was-the-pfizer-vaccine-part-of-the-governments-operation-warp-speed.html [https://perma.cc/3XJX-TQN7].

[43] Kerry A. Dolan, Bill and Melinda Gates Are Giving Another $70 Million for Covid Vaccines, Forbes (Nov. 12, 2020), https://www.forbes.com/sites/kerryadolan/2020/11/12/bill-and-melinda-gates-are-giving-70-million-more-for-covid-vaccines/?sh=48701b6a29f8 [https://perma.cc/GSH2-X9PK].

[44] U.S. Food & Drug Admin., Inside Clinical Trials: Testing Medical Products in People (2020) https://www.fda.gov/drugs/information-consumers-and-patients-drugs/inside-clinical-trials-testing-medical-products-people [https://perma.cc/5BVC-TV38]; Sawczuk, supra note 40.

[45] While Pfizer had ample participants, there is still a significant need for clinical trial participants for additional covid-19 vaccines to create a diverse testing pool that is representative of the general population within the United States and worldwide. See Marc Zarefsky, COVID-19 Vaccine Trials: 1 Million More Volunteers Still Needed, Am. Med. Ass’n. (Nov. 9, 2020), https://www.ama-assn.org/delivering-care/public-health/covid-19-vaccine-trials-1-million-more-volunteers-still-needed [https://perma.cc/U45C-NP4F].

[46] See Sawczuk, supra note 40.

[47] What Does Emergency Use of a Covid-19 Vaccine Mean?, supra note 33.

[48] Kesselheim et al., supra note 28, at 3–5.

[49] Id. at 6.

[50] Id.

[51] What Does Emergency Use of a Covid-19 Vaccine Mean?, supra note 33.

Cancel Culture: Inciting Corporate Social Accountability

Cancel Culture: Inciting Corporate Social Accountability

by Gabrielle Brill, J.D. Candidate, 2021, University of Richmond School of Law

 

Introduction

“It takes 20 years to build a reputation and five minutes to ruin it.”

– Warren Buffett [1]

Social media has dramatically altered everyday life, and nowadays it can take an extraordinary amount of discipline to effectively limit screen time. Over forty percent of people check their phone within the first five minutes of being awake.[2] However, social media use is more than mere habit or addiction: it is changing corporate social activism. Money for social activism is being raised through financial technology programs like GoFundMe, strangers are coordinating boycotts and protests online, and hashtag campaigns like #MeToo and viral videos like the death of George Floyd are elevating awareness of social issues. These new, social media-centric methods are also pressuring businesses to act in the sphere of social justice. Corporate executives used to fear “a bad newspaper story; today, they dread a bad viral video or negative trending hashtag that can hurt their brands or stock prices more than a bad newspaper story.”[3] These bad viral videos and negative trending hashtags are linked to a new phenomenon dubbed “cancel culture.”

This essay explores the recent explosion of cancel culture, its accountability goal, and, as a result, its link to calling for companies to fulfill their corporate social responsibility initiatives and inspiring corporate social accountability.

Defining Cancel Culture

Cancel culture is a “mass online public reaction to perceived wrongs done by an individual or entity by withdrawing support or consumer patronage.”[4] Black users of Twitter created the term “cancel culture” and began using the phrase as a hashtag.[5] The term has exploded in recent years due to conversations arising from #BlackLives Matter, #MeToo, and various other social movements that are pressing for greater accountability among public entities.[6]

The cancel culture phenomenon has been critiqued across the political spectrum. Left-leaning writers, artists, and celebrities referred to cancel culture as an “intensif[ying] a new set of moral attitudes and political commitments that tend to weaken our norms of open debate and toleration of differences in favor of ideological conformity.”[7] On the right, President Donald Trump has described cancel culture as “the very definition of totalitarianism.”[8] However, proponents of the cancel culture movement argue that the online judgments, critiques, and callouts would be best described as “accountability culture.”[9] This accountability culture perspective frames the online criticism as simply making people and institutions in power address their problematic pasts (or presents).[10] The point of this essay is not to argue whether cancel culture as a whole is good or bad, but to note that this accountability lens is being applied to businesses and filling gaps in the corporate social responsibility regime.

Defining Corporate Social Responsibility

Corporate social responsibility (CSR) comprises voluntary actions that businesses take to display commitment to responsibly managing the social, environmental, and economic effects of its operations.[11] These actions are nearly always made in line with public expectations.[12] Businesses often take these actions because consumers and employees demand and prefer it.[13]  Millennials, especially, are lending their support to brands that embrace social responsibility and emphasize community engagement. “88% of millennials expect companies to produce and communicate the results of corporate social responsibility efforts, and 89% of consumers are likely to switch brands to one that is associated with a good cause.”[14] Companies engaging in CSR can attribute 40% of their reputation to CSR work.[15]

Once upon a time, corporations used to be able to remain silent or ambiguous on social issues. But, the evolving role of the corporation and the rise of social media pressure is pushing corporations to become leaders on social issues and social movements.[16] Instead, silence can now cost a company money, and society has an expectation that well-to-do companies will take a stand on social issues. A 2016 Public Affairs Council study stated “more than three-quarters” of companies “experienced increased pressure to weigh in on social issues.”[17] These social issues ranged from discrimination, the environment, education and human rights.[18] Most telling is that from 2013–2016, not a single respondent reported that pressure to weigh in on social issues decreased.[19]

Corporate Social Accountability Versus CSR

Corporate accountability is often used interchangeably with corporate responsibility, but they are not synonymous. Corporate responsibility encompasses voluntary engagement with social issues. On the other hand, “corporate accountability focuses more on establishing institutional mechanisms that hold companies accountable rather than merely urging companies to act toward a socially desirable end voluntarily.”[20] This view of a corporation is in stark contrast to neoclassical thought, where companies should only be accountable to shareholders.[21]

I. Where CSR Fails, Cancel Culture Can Force Corporate Accountability

With widespread access to the internet, the general public now has a means to pressure corporate action on social issues through social media and cancel culture. The current CSR remedies at law often fail to give society the corporate social accountability it is expecting from large companies. Where CSR remedies at law fail, cancel culture has the ability to step in and advocate for corporate accountability until a corporation acts in a way consumers agree with. Again, the point is not whether a use of cancel culture in this way is good or bad. But there is an accountability function to cancel culture that can be applied to businesses when CSR remedies at law fail to uphold societal expectations.

When CSR Fails: Hershey Child and Slave Labor

Dana v. Hershey Company is a great example of how current remedies at law fall short of inspiring corporate social accountability consumers desire today. Hershey pledged nearly two decades ago to cease using slave labor in the manufacturing of its chocolate. Despite this, the Hershey candy company is still benefiting from low-cost cocoa farmed by children in West Africa.[22]

In a putative class action, Laura Dana sued Hershey, claiming Hershey’s failure to disclose that cocoa used in Hershey’s products originated from farms using child and slave labor violated California’s Unfair Competition Law, Consumer Legal Remedies Act, and False Advertising Law.[23] Although Hershey acknowledges child and slave labor is present in its Ivory Coast supply chain, it does not disclose the labor abuses on its product packaging.[24] One of Dana’s main arguments was rooted in Hershey’s corporate social responsibility report, which stated “Hershey has zero tolerance for the worst forms of child labor in its supply chain,” and Hershey’s “supplier code” explicitly prohibits child labor and forced labor.[25] Despite these internal professions and standards, Hershey was shirking public accountability by failing to admit it was a beneficiary of slave labor on its product labeling. The court ultimately dismissed the suit because Dana did not allege any omission by Hershey of a known danger to the safety of customers, therefore there was no duty to disclose.[26] The court declined to decide whether misrepresentations regarding labor practices fall within the California Legal Remedies Act.[27]

Dana v. Hershey Company highlights an important thing about the corporate social responsibility structure: sometimes there is not an adequate remedy at law to ensure that companies are complying with their self-prescribed corporate social responsibility goals. As consumers seek out accountability from businesses of all sizes, the law is not only an expensive but also oftentimes an inefficient remedy for the change consumers are attempting to create. As a result, access to the internet and social media platforms are providing new, free media to critique and hold business accountable for the corporate social responsibility platforms they have adopted as well as encourage corporate social accountability.

When Cancel Culture Achieves Change: Aunt Jemima Syrup

A recent example of people taking to social media to call out a business for failing to uphold its corporate social responsibility platform is the cancelling of Aunt Jemima syrup. In June 2020, singer-songwriter Kirby posted a viral TikTok video exposing the racist roots of Aunt Jemima’s origin and logo.[28] The brand’s origin and logo were based off the song “Old Aunt Jemima” which has origins in minstrel shows and was reportedly sung by slaves.[29] The Aunt Jemima logo began in the year 1890 and was based on Nancy Green. The Aunt Jemima website used to portray Nancy Green as a “storyteller, cook and missionary worker,” but never mentioned the crucial fact that Nancy Green was born into slavery.[30]

The perpetuation of the racist elements within the Aunt Jemima brand was directly adverse to PepsiCo, the owner of Quaker Oats and thus Aunt Jemima’s Diversity and Engagement initiatives within their corporate social responsibility framework. PepsiCo touts itself as a leader in “advanc[ing] diversity and engagement in [their] industry.”[31] However, the Aunt Jemima logo was altered six times[32] before the Kirby TikTok video combined with Black Lives Matter protests across the country led Kristen Kroepfl, Vice President of Quaker Foods (the PepsiCo subsidiary that produces Aunt Jemima) to recognize “Aunt Jemima’s origins are based on a racial stereotype”[33] and drop the brand for good.

Kristen Kroepfl ultimately gets at the heart of why cancel culture is functioning to push companies to hold true to their corporate social responsibility goals. She states that companies “also must take a hard look at [their] portfolio of brands and ensure they reflect [a company’s] values and meet [their] consumers’ expectations.”[34] When companies hold themselves out as leaders in the realms of social justice and activism and then fail to uphold their own corporate social responsibility mission statements, consumers are understandably unhappy. Thus, when remedies of law do not force companies to live up to their corporate social responsibility, when the law does not create a pathway to hold businesses accountable in the social justice space like so many consumers now desire, consumers go to their phones.

In the case of Aunt Jemima, just one day after Kirby’s critical TikTok video went viral, Pepsi announced that it would rename and redesign the 130-year-old pancake brand.[35] Additionally, the Aunt Jemima brand will donate five million dollars over the next five years specifically targeted to supporting the black community.[36] That is the power of cancel culture in the corporate social accountability space.

II. How Should Brands Proceed Amidst Cancel Culture?

To reiterate, there are a wealth of arguments to be had about the overall societal good (or bad) of cancel culture as whole that are much too lengthy for this essay. I do not imply that cancel culture is all “good,” but that cancel culture has an accountability function that can force companies to uphold their corporate social responsibility initiatives without needing to navigate a court of law.

So, where does cancel culture leave businesses cultivating brands? Construction of brand identity and value is amplified by social media. Digital networks allow both invested and disinterested parties to comment, critique, and contribute to discourse surrounding a brand’s meaning.[37] Heading forward, how brands should proceed is easy to say and hard to apply: be authentic!

The first question a brand should ask itself when facing cancel culture is: have the brand’s customers cancelled it? A brand should be acutely aware of its customer base. Cancel culture can make many jump on a boycott bandwagon that never even intended to be a customer of the brand being “canceled” in the first place.[38] A potent example of this are the various boycotts against Chick-fil-A over the years regarding Chick-fil-A’s Chairman Dan Cathy’s opposition to same-sex marriage. Despite these attempts at cancellation, Chick-fil-A still makes more per restaurant than McDonald’s even though Chick-fil-A only operates six days a week.[39] Chick-fil-A’s strong customer base has persevered through boycotts, which makes Chick-fil-A’s need to respond to the social justice criticisms monetarily unnecessary because it is not effecting their customer base as a whole.[40]

Second, brands must become aware of the difference between allyship and appropriation. When a brand is attempting to elevate voices of a community, members of that community should be represented in the decision-making process.[41] A grave example of failing to engage the proper audiences in decision-making processes is the infamous “Jump In” Pepsi commercial starring Kendall Jenner, which used imagery reminiscent of Black Lives Matter protest confrontations with police. PepsiCo’s in-house marketing team advanced the campaign too quickly and failed to properly seek external perspectives from ad agencies, market research, or diverse consumers.[42] The end result was severe tone deafness that offended many and left PepsiCo with a low public perception for nine months.[43] It will be prudent of businesses going forward not only to invest in diverse talent to join in-house marketing teams, but also ensure marketing material is getting properly vetted by diverse consumers.

Third, don’t be a “slacktivist.”[44] Consumers are looking for deeds to back up rhetoric. General or hollow sentiments will not do the job, but directly owning up to mistakes and genuinely expressing a desire to grow probably will.[45] To most effectively express desire for growth, a company should take time to step beyond their own perspective, and process and validate critiques.[46] Businesses should also be wary when attempting to meaningfully participate in social media trends meant to uplift social justice movements. Controversy erupted over the Black Out Tuesday movement on June 2, 2020 as social media users posted black squares as a show of solidarity in response to the death of George Floyd. However, the use of hashtags like #BlackLivesMatter and #BLM in association with the black squares enabled details for Black Lives Matter rallies and other important information accompanied with these hashtags to be buried from activists who needed them.[47] Marketing teams should stay alert and abreast of updates surrounding international social media trends to avoid the potential of hiding crucial information or resources.

Lastly, it would be wise for companies to participate in 24/7 monitoring of online commentary regarding the company, as well as high-profile endorsers of the brand. If the brand is the first to know and the first to act when a public relations crisis arises, a serious boycott attempt can be avoided.[48] This is critical as technology and social media continue to evolve, as it can take a matter of minutes for a negative video, hashtag, or post to go viral.

Above all, do not misrepresent or fail to uphold corporate social responsibility values—don’t just talk the talk; walk the walk. If a business fails to do so, there could be more than a lawsuit at their door. Cancel culture could be there, like a fast food order of accountability, intimidating them to do better.

 

[1] James Berman, The Three Essential Warren Buffet Quotes to Live By, Forbes (Apr. 20, 2014, 5:55 PM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/jamesberman/2014/04/20/the-three-essential-warren-buffett-quotes-to-live-by/ [https://perma.cc/AB4V-XNXA].

[2] Deloitte, Global mobile Consumer Survey: US Edition 4 (2016), https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/us/Documents/technology-media-telecommunications/us-global-mobile-consumer-survey-2016-executive-summary.pdf [https://perma.cc/B7U3-D49M].

[3] Tom C.W. Lin, Incorporating Social Activism, 98 B.U. L. Rev. 1535, 1545 (2018).

[4] Heather Fletcher, Cancel Culture is Real – Here’s What Brands Need to Know About It, Target Marketing (Sept. 23, 2019), https://www.targetmarketingmag.com/article/cancel-culture-is-real-heres-what-brands-need-to-know-about-it/ [https://perma.cc/9KL6-RNDL]; see also Christopher Brito, “Cancel Culture” Seems to Have Started as an Internet Joke. Now It’s Anything But, CBSNOriginals (Aug. 19, 2020), https://www.cbsnews.com/news/cancel-culture-internet-joke-anything-but [https://perma.cc/5VUN-HREK] (Professor Anne H. Charity Hudley’s first definition of cancel culture is a public withdrawal of financial support that encourages others to also withdraw support).

[5] Words We’re Watching: What It Means to Get “Canceled,Merriam-Webster (last visited Dec. 18, 2020), https://www.merriam-webster.com/words-at-play/cancel-culture-words-were-watching [https://perma.cc/5QC6-KCPT]; see also Rachel E. Greenspan, How ‘Cancel Culture’ Quickly Became One of the Buzziest and Most Controversial Ideas on the Internet, Insider (Aug. 6, 2020, 8:30 AM), https://www.insider.com/cancel-culture-meaning-history-origin-phrase-used-negatively-2020-7 [https://perma.cc/KPG7-LGFE] (“[T]he phrase ‘cancel culture’ experienced notable growth in 2016 and 2017, particularly on Black Twitter.”).

[6] Merriam-Webster, supra note 5.

[7] A Letter on Justice and Open Debate, Harper’s Magazine (July 7, 2020), https://harpers.org/a-letter-on-justice-and-open-debate [https://perma.cc/X7CX-JSLJ].

[8] Greenspan, supra note 5.

[9] Spencer Kornhaber, It’s Not Callout Culture. It’s Accountability, The Atlantic (June 16, 2020), https://www.theatlantic.com/culture/archive/2020/06/callout-culture-black-lives-matter-adidas-bon-appetit-lea-michele/613054/ [https://perma.cc/6HTP-6CEY].

[10] Greenspan, supra note 5.

[11] Embracing Corporate Social Responsibility: Hearing Before the Comm. on Small Business, 116th Cong. 2 (2019).

[12] Id.

[13] See id. at 1–2; see also Sairah Ashman, ‘Wokeness’ in the Age of the Twitter Mob: How Brands Can Navigate Cancel Culture, Forbes (July 22, 2019, 6:02 AM), https://www.forbes.com/sites/sairahashman/2019/07/22/wokeness-in-the-age-of-the-twitter-mob-how-brands-can-navigate-cancel-culture/#73784f0a56f2 [https://perma.cc/9UEQ-96GZ] (eighty-eight percent of consumers want businesses to help them make a difference and seventy percent of business executives take social purpose into account when deciding where to work).   

[14] Ashman, supra note 13.

[15] Christine Alemany, Marketing in the Age of Resistance, Harv. Bus. Rev. (Sept. 3, 2020), https://hbr.org/2020/09/marketing-in-the-age-of-resistance [https://perma.cc/K24G-HAST].

[16] Jennifer S. Fan, Woke Capital: The Role of Corporations in Social Movements, 9 Harv. Bus. L. Rev. 441, 452–53 (2019).

[17] Id. at 453.

[18] Id.

[19] Id.

[20] Min Yan & Daoning Zhang, From Corporate Responsibility to Corporate Accountability, 16 Hastings Bus. L.J. 43, 44 (2020).

[21] Id. at 44–45.

[22] Peter Whoriskey & Rachel Siegel, Cocoa’s Child Laborers, Wash. Post (June 5, 2019), https://www.washingtonpost.com/graphics/2019/business/hershey-nestle-mars-chocolate-child-labor-west-africa/?fbclid=IwAR0SfSYRgtrZwL2uePdn91Rx9gL6Kjv4Z3fgq_HkvA5U–7zmviqXwyC7zY&noredirect=on&utm_term=.d1e6d2198845 [https://perma.cc/X8SK-NVY7].

[23] Dana v. Hershey Co., 180 F. Supp. 3d 652, 654 (N.D. Cal. 2016).

[24] Id. at 655.

[25] Id.

[26] Id. at 665.

[27] Id.

[28] James Hale, Viral TikTok Video from Black Artist Kirby Prompts Pepsi to Rebrand ‘Aunt Jemima’ Products, TubeFilter (June 18, 2020), https://www.tubefilter.com/2020/06/18/kirby-singer-tiktok-video-rebrand-aunt-jemima [https://perma.cc/US6E-27XX].

[29] Jordan Valinsky, The Aunt Jemima Brand, Acknowledging its Racist Past, Will Be Retired, CNNBusiness (June 17, 2020) https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/17/business/aunt-jemima-logo-change/index.html [https://perma.cc/7XYZ-6QLC].

[30] Id.

[31] Diversity & Engagement Progress at PepsiCo: A Message from Ronald Schellekens, PepsiCo (June 30, 2020), https://www.pepsico.com/about/diversity-and-engagement/progress-at-pepsico [https://perma.cc/AU58-TZ2P].

[32] Jessica Snouwaert, Aunt Jemima’s Logo Has Changed 6 Times and Its History is Rooted in Racial Stereotypes and Slavery, Entrepreneur (June 18, 2020), https://www.entrepreneur.com/article/352060 [https://perma.cc/ ZJL9-GE85].

[33] Hale, supra note 28.

[34] Id.

[35] Id.

[36] Valinsky, supra note 29.

[37] Margaret Chon, Trademark Goodwill as a Public Good: Brands and Innovations in Corporate Social Responsibility, 21 Lewis & Clark L. Rev. 277, 291–92 (2017).

[38] Fletcher, supra note 4.

[39] Matthew McCreary, Chick-fil-A Makes More Per Restaurant Than McDonald’s, Starbucks and Subway Combined…and It’s Closed on Sundays, Entrepreneur (2018), https://www.entrepreneur.com/article/320615 [https://perma.cc/52TA-Y2PL].

[40] It is worth noting that Chick-Fil-A is a closely held corporation. It would be interesting to see if cancel culture affects close corporations and public corporations differently.

[41] Ashman, supra note 13 (Fairy successfully rebranded to Fair for Pride month by implementing key team members who were LGBTQ+, which provided the team with authority on the issue).

[42] Lily Tillman, Case Study: PepsiCo & Kendall Jenner Commercial, Astute (2018), https://astute.co/pepsi-kendall-jenner-commercial [https://perma.cc/N6BG-HPTY].

[43] Id.

[44] Id. (On May 30, 2020, Adidas made an Instagram post that was merely the word ‘Racism’ with a line striking through it. Consumers found this display of ‘solidarity’ to be lukewarm and insufficient.)

[45] Alemany, supra note 15.

[46] Id.

[47] Zoe Haylock, How Did #BlackOutTuesday Go So Wrong So Fast?, Vulture (June 2, 2020), https://www.vulture.com/2020/06/blackout-tuesday-guide.html [https://perma.cc/6HXL-QKTH].

[48] Fletcher, supra note 4.

 

 

 

Annual Survey of Virginia Law 2020

Virginia’s Physician-Only Law for First Trimester Abortion: Maintaining the Unduly Burdensome Law Under Falls Church Medical Center, LLC v. Oliver and its Subsequent Amendment

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Introduction

Virginia’s physician-only law was a narrow exemption from Virginia’s general criminal ban on abortion. The general criminal ban on abortion prohibits “any person” from “produc[ing] [an] abortion or miscarriage,” and violation of this prohibition is a Class 4 felony with an “authorized punishment” of “imprisonment of not less than two years nor more than 10 years, and . . . a fine of not more than $100,000.” The physician-only law allowed for first-trimester abortions to be provided by physicians licensed by the Virginia Board of Medicine. Non-physicians, regardless of medical training, were not exempted from the general criminal ban on abortion; therefore, they were prohibited from providing abortions. In May 2019, the Eastern District of Virginia considered the constitutionality of the physician-only law in Falls Church Medical Center, LLC v. Oliver. In Falls Church Medical Center, four elective abortion providers challenged the physician-only law on the basis that it “unjustifiably limits ‘the pool of abortion providers, even while advanced practice clinicians . . . safely and routinely provide abortion care, including medication and aspiration abortion, in other states throughout the country.’” While the court initially granted the Plaintiffs’ Motion for Partial Summary Judgment, finding that “there is no genuine issue of material fact as to whether the Physician-Only Law poses a substantial burden on a woman’s access to first trimester abortion care,” just over a week later, the court vacated this decision to “facilitate the development of a full factual record that will enable the Court to better address this question.” Ultimately, while the court found that the evidence is “compelling” that advanced practice clinicians (“APCs”) can safely provide abortions, the court determined, based off tangentially related precedent, that the physician-only law was only a mere “inconvenien[ce] for some individuals,” not an undue burden. This physician-only law was purported to serve the state interest of protecting maternal health; however, a substantial body of peer-reviewed research shows there is no medical benefit to a physician providing the abortion service instead of a trained APC, such as a nurse practitioner, physician assistant, or certified nurse-midwife. While the limitation provided no medical benefit, it created a substantial burden to access to first-trimester abortions. The requirement arbitrarily and artificially reduced the field of abortion providers, which reduced access by increasing the logistical and actual cost of abortions and increasing wait time. Therefore, the physician-only law was an undue burden on abortion access. Following the decision, the Virginia General Assembly amended the physician-only law to extend the exemption to “any person jointly licensed by the Boards of Medicine and Nursing as a nurse practitioner.” The amended law expands the field of abortion providers; however, it still artificially and arbitrarily limits providers to only physicians and nurse practitioners. Thus, while the law as amended is less burdensome, it is still more burdensome than necessary to protect the health of persons seeking first-trimester abortions. Alternatively, in order to ensure only medical professionals with adequate training and experience are providing abortion services, the Virginia General Assembly should appeal the general criminal ban on abortion and instead rely on the existing scope of practice laws, which prohibit APCs from providing medical care outside their training.

This Comment seeks to critique the Falls Church Medical Center’s holding that Virginia’s first-trimester physician-only law is not an undue burden on the right to abortion. Part I is an overview of the physician-only law, discussing the historical roots of the law, the impacts of the law on access to first-trimester abortion, related laws in other jurisdictions, and a survey of research conducted on the overall safety and effectiveness of APCs as abortion providers. Part II is an overview of the Falls Church Medical Center’s three decisions. Part III is an undue burden analysis of the physician-only law, which shows, in light of the lack of health benefits of the physician-only law and the substantial burden to access it creates, the law should be found unconstitutional. Part IV analyzes the physician-only law as amended to include licensed nurse practitioners. Part V looks to Virginia’s scope of practice laws for APCs as an assurance that only medically trained persons with education, knowledge, and experience to provide first-trimester abortions will provide these abortions.